{"id":7737,"date":"2025-11-18T01:59:12","date_gmt":"2025-11-17T22:59:12","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/klasikdusunceokulu.com\/?page_id=7737"},"modified":"2025-11-18T01:59:12","modified_gmt":"2025-11-17T22:59:12","slug":"m-ertan-kardes-schmittin-uc-klasigi-machiavelli-hobbes-ve-clausewitz-3-seminer-ozeti","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/klasikdusunceokulu.com\/index.php\/m-ertan-kardes-schmittin-uc-klasigi-machiavelli-hobbes-ve-clausewitz-3-seminer-ozeti\/","title":{"rendered":"M. ERTAN KARDE\u015e, SCHM\u0130TT\u2019\u0130N \u00dc\u00c7 KLAS\u0130\u011e\u0130: MACH\u0130AVELL\u0130, HOBBES VE CLAUSEW\u0130TZ 3. SEM\u0130NER \u00d6ZET\u0130"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong>M. ERTAN KARDE\u015e, SCHM\u0130TT\u2019\u0130N \u00dc\u00c7 KLAS\u0130\u011e\u0130: MACH\u0130AVELL\u0130, HOBBES VE CLAUSEW\u0130TZ 3. SEM\u0130NER \u00d6ZET\u0130<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Seminerin Amac\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Bu seminerde Carl Schmitt\u2019in Hobbes yorumuna odaklan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. M. Ertan Karde\u015f, Schmitt\u2019in d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinde Hobbes\u2019un neden merkezi bir konumda bulundu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131klayarak, Schmitt\u2019in Hobbes\u2019u hem ele\u015ftiren hem de onun \u201cruhunu kurtarmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan\u201d bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr olarak konumland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtir. Hobbes, Schmitt\u2019in teolojik-politik \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde modern devletin do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131 kavramada temel bir fig\u00fcrd\u00fcr. Seminer, Hobbes\u2019un egemenlik, yasa, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve devlet anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n Schmitt\u2019in realizmine nas\u0131l ba\u011fland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin modern politik teorideki etkilerini ele al\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ana Temalar<\/strong><\/p>\n<ol>\n<li><strong> Hobbes\u2019un Schmitt\u2019teki Yeri<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Schmitt i\u00e7in Hobbes yaln\u0131zca bir \u00f6nc\u00fcl de\u011fil, modernli\u011fin kurucu filozofudur. Hobbes, egemenlik kavram\u0131n\u0131 teolojik temellerden kopararak sek\u00fclerle\u015ftirir, ancak Schmitt\u2019e g\u00f6re bu kopu\u015f asla tamamlanmaz. Schmitt, Hobbes\u2019un teolojik-politik gerilimi kendi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinde yeniden kurar; b\u00f6ylece Hobbes, Schmitt\u2019in \u201cpolitik olan\u0131n indirgenemezli\u011fi\u201d fikrinin tarihsel dayana\u011f\u0131 olur.<\/p>\n<ol start=\"2\">\n<li><strong> Hobbes\u2019un Mutlakiyet\u00e7ili\u011fi ve Okuma Bi\u00e7imleri<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Felsefe tarihinde Hobbes farkl\u0131 \u015fekillerde okunmu\u015ftur: despotik mutlakiyet\u00e7i, ayd\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015f despot, preliberal mutlakiyet\u00e7i veya liberal \u00f6nc\u00fcl. Schmitt ise Hobbes\u2019u \u201cbarok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr\u201d olarak yorumlar. Bu okuma, Hobbes\u2019un \u00e7eli\u015fkili yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 \u2014 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, yasa, otorite ve teoloji aras\u0131ndaki gerilimi \u2014 koruyarak anlamay\u0131 sa\u011flar. Schmitt\u2019e g\u00f6re Hobbes\u2019un b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, bu \u00e7eli\u015fkileri gizlememesinde yatar.<\/p>\n<ol start=\"3\">\n<li><strong> Egemenlik, Yasa ve Halk<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Hobbes\u2019un en b\u00fcy\u00fck icad\u0131, egemenli\u011fin kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131 Tanr\u0131\u2019dan al\u0131p \u201cHalk\u201da dayand\u0131rmas\u0131d\u0131r. Ancak bu halk pasiftir; aktifle\u015fti\u011fi anda egemenli\u011fin d\u0131\u015f\u0131na itilir. Egemenin karar\u0131 adaletin \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc belirler. Bu nedenle yasa, Schmitt\u2019in ifadesiyle, \u201cbuyruk\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlan\u0131r. Hukuk, egemenin me\u015fru buyru\u011fudur; me\u015fruiyetini halktan al\u0131r, ama halk\u0131n eylemiyle de\u011fil, temsil arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcr.<\/p>\n<ol start=\"4\">\n<li><strong> Do\u011fa Yasas\u0131 ve \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Hobbes do\u011fa yasalar\u0131n\u0131 akla dayand\u0131r\u0131r. Do\u011fal hak, bireyin ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 koruma \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcd\u00fcr; yasa ise bu \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131rlayan iradedir. \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, sadece engellerin yoklu\u011fu anlam\u0131na gelir \u2014 pozitif bir de\u011fer de\u011fil, fiziksel bir durumdur. Schmitt, bu tan\u0131m\u0131 modern liberal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan tamamen farkl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcr.<\/p>\n<ol start=\"5\">\n<li><strong> Madde, Beden ve Devlet<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Hobbes\u2019un do\u011fa, beden ve devlet kavray\u0131\u015f\u0131 birbirinden kopuk de\u011fildir. Devlet, do\u011fadaki nedenselli\u011fin toplumsal alandaki yeniden \u00fcretimidir. \u201cLeviathan\u201d bu anlamda yapay bir bedendir; Tanr\u0131\u2019n\u0131n yaratma kudretinin d\u00fcnyevi bir taklididir. Schmitt bu noktada Hobbes\u2019un Descartes\u2019tan etkilendi\u011fini, ancak mekanik devlet modelinin insan ruhunu bir \u201cmakineye\u201d d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc s\u00f6yler.<\/p>\n<ol start=\"6\">\n<li><strong> Leviathan ve Behemoth<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Hobbes\u2019un iki mitik fig\u00fcr\u00fc \u2014 Leviathan (d\u00fczen) ve Behemoth (kaos) \u2014 Schmitt\u2019in yorumunda modern siyaset metaforlar\u0131 haline gelir. Leviathan birli\u011fin, Behemoth \u00e7ok ba\u015fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n simgesidir. Egemenin g\u00f6revi, bu \u00e7ok ba\u015fl\u0131l\u0131\u011fa son vererek d\u00fczeni sa\u011flamakt\u0131r. Ancak Schmitt\u2019e g\u00f6re Leviathan\u2019\u0131n ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131 ge\u00e7icidir; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc rasyonel devlet makinesi, mitik k\u00f6kenlerini b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle yok edemez.<\/p>\n<ol start=\"7\">\n<li><strong> Mekanizm Ele\u015ftirisi ve Hukukun Pozitivizmi<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Schmitt, Hobbes\u2019un devleti bir \u201cmakine\u201dye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc, b\u00f6ylece teolojik boyutu yitirdi\u011fini ileri s\u00fcrer. Pozitivist hukuk anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, yasay\u0131 sadece bi\u00e7imsel bir d\u00fczenleme haline getirir. Schmitt\u2019e g\u00f6re bu, politik olan\u0131n yok olu\u015fudur; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc yasa, teknik bir mekanizmaya indirgenemez. Egemen karar\u0131n a\u015fk\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lamaz.<\/p>\n<ol start=\"8\">\n<li><strong> Korku, Ak\u0131l ve Devletin Rasyonalitesi<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Hobbes\u2019ta korku sadece psikolojik bir duygu de\u011fil, rasyonel bir i\u015flevdir. \u0130nsanlar korku sayesinde devlete ba\u011flan\u0131r. Schmitt, bu rasyonel korku yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n modern siyasetin kalbinde bulundu\u011funu kabul eder, ancak bunun makinele\u015fmi\u015f bir d\u00fczende s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclemeyece\u011fini s\u00f6yler. Devletin rasyonalitesi, sonunda kendi mitik k\u00f6kenlerine geri d\u00f6ner.<\/p>\n<ol start=\"9\">\n<li><strong> Schmitt\u2019in Hobbes\u2019a Ele\u015ftirisi<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Schmitt\u2019in temel ele\u015ftirisi, Hobbes\u2019un egemenli\u011fi a\u015fk\u0131n bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak tan\u0131mlay\u0131p, ard\u0131ndan onu hukuki pozitivizm i\u00e7inde \u201cn\u00f6tralize\u201d etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r. Egemenlik a\u015fk\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kaybetti\u011finde devlet yaln\u0131zca teknik bir yap\u0131 haline gelir. Bu nedenle Schmitt, Hobbes\u2019un \u201cLeviathan\u201d\u0131n\u0131 ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z bir mit olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr \u2014 \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc makinele\u015fme, politik karar\u0131n yarat\u0131c\u0131 an\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcr.<\/p>\n<ol start=\"10\">\n<li><strong> Hakikat, Yorum ve Karar<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Schmitt\u2019e g\u00f6re Hobbes\u2019un sistemindeki \u201chakikat\u201d, kendili\u011finden ger\u00e7eklik kazanmaz; ancak bir otoritenin karar\u0131yla i\u015flerlik bulur. Bu y\u00fczden yasa, hakikati de\u011fil, otoritenin yorumunu ifade eder. Devletin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cProtego ergo obligo\u201d (Koruyorum, o halde mecbur b\u0131rak\u0131yorum) form\u00fcl\u00fcnde \u00f6zetlenir. Bu, egemenli\u011fin teolojik k\u00f6keninin h\u00e2l\u00e2 s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6sterir.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Sonu\u00e7<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc seminer, Schmitt\u2019in Hobbes\u2019u nas\u0131l hem bir kaynak hem de bir ele\u015ftiri nesnesi olarak de\u011ferlendirdi\u011fini g\u00f6stermektedir. Hobbes, modern devletin rasyonel ve yapay do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131 ilk kez kavrayan filozoftur. Ancak Schmitt\u2019e g\u00f6re, Leviathan\u2019\u0131n makinele\u015fmesi politik olan\u0131n canl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yitirir; egemen karar\u0131n a\u015fk\u0131n karakteri olmadan d\u00fczen s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclemez. Bu nedenle Hobbes\u2019un ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131, ayn\u0131 zamanda modern siyasetin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Schmitt, Hobbes\u2019un d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini modernli\u011fin krizi i\u00e7inde \u201cruhu kurtarma\u201d giri\u015fimi olarak okur.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><strong>Purpose of the Seminar<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>This seminar examines Carl Schmitt\u2019s interpretation of Thomas Hobbes. According to M. Ertan Karde\u015f, Hobbes is perhaps the most crucial philosopher for understanding Schmitt\u2019s political thought. Schmitt seeks not merely to praise Hobbes but to expose and rethink the tensions within his theory \u2014 especially between sovereignty, law, and theology.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Main Themes<\/strong><\/p>\n<ol>\n<li><strong> Hobbes\u2019s Central Role for Schmitt<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Hobbes is the founder of modern political rationality. Schmitt views him as the thinker who secularized sovereignty but also preserved its theological traces. In Schmitt\u2019s reading, Hobbes remains the philosopher who makes visible the irreducible link between law, authority, and transcendence.<\/p>\n<ol start=\"2\">\n<li><strong> Interpretations of Hobbes<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Hobbes has been read as a despotic absolutist, enlightened despot, preliberal authoritarian, or even proto-liberal. Schmitt\u2019s \u201cbaroque\u201d reading transcends these categories, emphasizing the productive contradictions in Hobbes\u2019s work \u2014 between freedom and law, faith and rationality.<\/p>\n<ol start=\"3\">\n<li><strong> Sovereignty and the People<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>For Hobbes, the sovereign derives legitimacy from the people but remains above them. The people are the source of power yet politically passive. Law is the command of the sovereign; justice begins where authority speaks. This paradox defines the modern political order.<\/p>\n<ol start=\"4\">\n<li><strong> Natural Law and Freedom<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Natural law stems from reason; natural right from self-preservation. Freedom is merely the absence of impediments, not a moral value. Law limits freedom by defining obligation. Schmitt finds in this tension the core of political realism \u2014 where liberty is secondary to order.<\/p>\n<ol start=\"5\">\n<li><strong> Matter, Body, and the State<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Hobbes constructs a mechanistic universe in which the state mirrors the physical world. The <em>Leviathan<\/em> is an artificial body \u2014 a human-made God. Schmitt interprets this as a Cartesian transfer of soul into the political machine, transforming man into a mechanical being.<\/p>\n<ol start=\"6\">\n<li><strong> Leviathan and Behemoth<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Leviathan symbolizes unity; Behemoth represents chaos. The sovereign prevents disorder by enforcing singular authority. Yet Schmitt warns that once the Leviathan becomes a lifeless mechanism, it loses the mythic force that sustains political life.<\/p>\n<ol start=\"7\">\n<li><strong> Mechanism and Legal Positivism<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Schmitt criticizes Hobbes for grounding sovereignty in law while reducing law to technical legality. The positivist conception of law turns the political machine into a closed system. True authority, Schmitt insists, requires a decision beyond codified rules.<\/p>\n<ol start=\"8\">\n<li><strong> Fear, Reason, and Rational Order<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Fear in Hobbes is not irrational but functional \u2014 it motivates obedience. However, Schmitt argues that rationalized fear cannot replace the sacred dimension of political order. The mechanization of fear transforms politics into administration, draining its existential energy.<\/p>\n<ol start=\"9\">\n<li><strong> Schmitt\u2019s Critique<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Schmitt sees Hobbes\u2019s rational state as inherently unstable. The sovereign\u2019s transcendence cannot be fully neutralized; each attempt to legalize authority ends in failure. The <em>Leviathan<\/em> thus becomes a symbol of the modern state\u2019s spiritual exhaustion.<\/p>\n<ol start=\"10\">\n<li><strong> Truth, Interpretation, and Decision<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Truth exists only through interpretation and decision. Law embodies not eternal truth but the sovereign\u2019s will. Schmitt\u2019s formula \u201cProtego ergo obligo\u201d captures the structure of authority: \u201cI protect, therefore I obligate.\u201d Political life depends on this vertical relationship between transcendence and obedience.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The third seminar reveals how Schmitt reads Hobbes as both origin and critique of modernity. Hobbes\u2019s rational state, though brilliant, collapses under its own mechanization. Schmitt interprets this as the tragedy of modern politics \u2014 the loss of decision, spirit, and transcendence within bureaucratic rationality. Yet for Schmitt, Hobbes\u2019s unresolved tensions remain fertile ground for rethinking the political as an act of decision and order beyond legality.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>M. ERTAN KARDE\u015e, SCHM\u0130TT\u2019\u0130N \u00dc\u00c7 KLAS\u0130\u011e\u0130: MACH\u0130AVELL\u0130, HOBBES VE CLAUSEW\u0130TZ [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-7737","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/klasikdusunceokulu.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/7737","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/klasikdusunceokulu.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/klasikdusunceokulu.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/klasikdusunceokulu.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/klasikdusunceokulu.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=7737"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/klasikdusunceokulu.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/7737\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7738,"href":"https:\/\/klasikdusunceokulu.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/7737\/revisions\/7738"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/klasikdusunceokulu.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=7737"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}